30/04/2026

THURSDAY | APR 30, 2026

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N. Sembilan crisis spurs new calls for electoral reform o Current model fractured and no longer reflects political realities, says analyst

Ű BY KIRTINEE RAMESH newsdesk@thesundaily.com

PETALING JAYA: Malaysia’s electoral system is increasingly out of step with its political realities, reform advocates observed, as the latest turbulence in Negeri Sembilan reignites concerns over the stability and credibility of coalition governments. Project Stability and Accountability for Malaysia (Projek Sama) said the crisis highlights a growing disconnect between how governments are elected and how power is ultimately exercised, urging pertinent reforms to restore voter trust. Under the first-past-the-post (FPTP) system, candidates can win seats with a plurality of votes, even if most voters backed other contenders. Projek Sama said this has led to a recurring pattern in which voters are asked to support pre election alliances that may not survive beyond polling day – a dynamic it described as eroding political accountability. “When no party can win a majority alone, coalition governments become necessary – a normal feature of mature parliamentary democracies. However, under Malaysia’s FPTP system, parties often form pre-election coalitions or electoral pacts that require voters to support allied parties who may later withdraw from those arrangements.” It cited both the Negeri Sembilan developments and the 2020 Sheraton Move as examples of post-election realignments that have shaken public confidence. “In both cases, voters feel betrayed when alliances collapse after elections,” it said, adding that such shifts expose structural weaknesses in how coalitions are formed and sustained. While anti-hopping laws introduced after the “There is little connection between voter perception and how political coalitions function,”he said, noting that Malaysia’s political landscape is largely shaped by formal alliances such as Barisan Nasional (BN), Pakatan Harapan (PH), Perikatan Nasional (PN) and others. Malaysia’s current Unity (Madani) government is a coalition comprising PH, BN, Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS) and Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS), led by Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim. It was formed after the 15th General Election resulted in a hung parliament, necessitating cross-coalition cooperation to form a government. Manimaran said Malaysia’s coalition politics has long been defined by alliances rather than individual parties. In 2018, former prime minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad led PH to a historic victory, ending BN’s decades-long dominance. Prior to that general election, opposition parties had often contested under separate logos despite cooperating as a coalition. However, in 2018 PH unified under a single logo to signal stronger cohesion and present a united front to voters. BN’s long dominance also meant public awareness of FPTP remained low. Under the system, the candidate with the most votes wins, regardless of whether they secured an absolute majority, meaning election outcomes reflect vote distribution rather than voter understanding of the mechanism itself. He said in 2020, the ERC had proposed introducing CLPR as part of wider electoral reform. The suggested model was a hybrid system, retaining FPTP at state level while introducing proportional representation at federal level, particularly for parliamentary seats. “The proposal also recommended dividing representation into three regions – Peninsular Malaysia, Sabah and Sarawak – and allocating one third of parliamentary seats to Sabah and Sarawak

stressed that any administration must command the confidence of the majority in the state assembly, whether through a single-party majority, coalition or a minority government backed by a confidence and supply agreement. It added that any transition of power must take place through formal confidence or no confidence votes, with safeguards to prevent prolonged deadlock beyond six months without fresh elections. Addressing constitutional concerns, Projek Sama said the authority of the state’s royal institution remains intact, noting that conditions for the removal of the Yang di-Pertuan Besar have not been met and that Tuanku Muhriz ibni Tuanku Munawir remains the legitimate head of state. Amid global economic uncertainty and geopolitical tensions, the group urged political actors to act responsibly. “Malaysians deserve stability, not the absence of change, but the maintenance of predictability and public trust amidst necessary political evolution,” it said. to 18 in 2019, with amendments gazetted on Sept 10 that year. However, implementation of Undi18 and automatic voter registration was delayed until after September 2022 due to Covid-19 disruptions. Another key reform, the anti-hopping law, came into force in October 2022 following political instability triggered by the 2020 “Sheraton Move”. The law requires MPs who switch parties to vacate their seats, aimed at strengthening political stability and voter accountability. Ultimately, Manimaran stressed, greater political education is needed, as many Malaysians still lack awareness of how electoral systems shape governance. As part of broader institutional reform, he said the government should seriously consider reviewing Malaysia’s electoral system. – By Kirtinee Ramesh

allocation would be PH (five), BN (five) and PN (two). Projek Sama said such a hybrid model would strengthen voter engagement and reduce political manipulation by compelling parties to maintain support across coalition lines. “This would compel parties to work harder to earn the confidence of voters beyond their immediate base, rather than relying on coalition arrangements to secure power.” Projek Sama acknowledged that constitutional amendments to Articles 116 and 117 would be required, but stressed that the issue must be openly debated. Pending reform, it urged political parties to adopt more cautious coalition strategies, including avoiding rigid alliances that limit voter choice. It also warned voters against disengagement, saying abstention would only weaken their influence and encouraged continued participation alongside closer scrutiny of coalition dynamics. On governance in Negeri Sembilan, the group representation (PR), where voters choose parties and seats are allocated based on vote share – reducing “wasted votes” and improving fairness in representation. He reiterated that the ERC’s 2020 proposal for CLPR at federal level remains relevant. Importantly, he said such reform would not require dismantling the existing system. FPTP could remain for state elections, while proportional representation could be used for federal parliamentary seats, allowing MPs to focus on national policymaking and strengthening legislative debate. He pointed to countries such as Australia and Indonesia, which use mixed electoral systems combining FPTP, preferential voting and proportional representation. Malaysia has also undertaken gradual electoral reforms, including lowering the voting age from 21

Sheraton Move have curbed individual defections, Projek Sama said they fail to address the withdrawal of entire parties from governing coalitions. “Had Umno/BN contested under a permanent coalition banner with Pakatan Harapan in 2023, the Negeri Sembilan anti-hopping law might have triggered as many as 14 by-elections,” it said, pointing to the unintended consequences of partial reforms. To address what it described as a “fundamental design flaw”, the group proposed introducing closed list proportional representation (CLPR) seats alongside the existing system. Under the proposal, voters would cast two votes – one for a local candidate and another for a preferred political party – allowing them to back parties without being forced to endorse coalition partners. Using Negeri Sembilan as an example, Projek Sama simulated adding 12 CLPR seats to the existing 36 constituencies. Based on the 2023 vote shares – Pakatan Harapan (39%), Barisan Nasional (38%) and Perikatan Nasional (22%) – the

Poor grasp of voting system by Malaysians raises concerns PETALING JAYA: Public understanding of Malaysia’s electoral systems remains strikingly low, raising concerns over how voters engage with democracy and how election outcomes are ultimately shaped, according to election analyst Dr G. Manimaran. The former member of the Electoral Reform Committee (ERC) said most Malaysians have limited awareness of key electoral systems such as the first past-the-post (FPTP) and closed list proportional representation (CLPR) even though these frameworks fundamentally determine how votes translate into seats. to improve regional balance.” Under such a system, multiple coalitions would still exist but would be represented proportionally in Parliament. However, although the proposal was submitted in August 2020, it has not been meaningfully debated. Manimaran said implementing such reforms would require major legal amendments, including changes to the Federal Constitution, state constitutions and election laws. While possible, he stressed it would be a long and complex process requiring strong political will and sustained public support.

He noted that reform is not merely administrative but a structural shift aimed at improving representation in a maturing democracy. While FPTP remains the current system, there is growing global interest in proportional

DIPLOMATIC DIALOGUE ... Foreign Minister Datuk Seri Mohamad Hasan (left) in discussion with European Union foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas and Brunei’s Second Foreign Minister Datuk Seri Erywan Yusof (right) during the 125th Asean-European Union Ministerial Meeting in Bandar Seri Begawan yesterday. – BERNAMAPIC